Speaking with barely concealed frustration, Njoroge claims the Azimio coalition did not lose because of voters, numbers, or fate.
According to her, the defeat was engineered internally, quietly, and disastrously — through a reckless decision to hand over the sensitive party agents’ system to politicians instead of trained professionals.
This, she says, is where everything went wrong.
Her remarks come shortly after ODM Secretary-General Edwin Sifuna publicly admitted that the agents’ system during the 2022 polls was chaotic.
But for Njoroge, Sifuna’s comments were not news. She insists the warning signs had been visible long before Kenyans queued at polling stations.
“This was public knowledge,” she argued, noting that the system used successfully by TNA in 2013 and Jubilee in 2017 had already proven its credibility.
It was structured, professional, and shielded from political ego battles. Yet in 2022, that system was allegedly dismantled — not by accident, but by choice.
And that choice, Njoroge claims, was driven by powerful political figures within Azimio.
She recalls a chilling conversation she had just months before the election with a senior member of President Uhuru Kenyatta’s 2017 campaign team — a man deeply familiar with election logistics. His warning now feels prophetic.
He told her bluntly that politicians had no business running an agents’ network. His fear was simple: politics breeds rivalry, mistrust, and last-minute chaos.
“If they call me late,” he reportedly warned, “things will go completely wrong.”
What followed on election day, she claims, was confusion at polling stations, poorly coordinated agents, delayed reporting, and a system that collapsed under pressure — precisely when Azimio needed it to work flawlessly.
The result? A razor-thin loss.
With President William Ruto edging out Raila Odinga by a margin of about 200,000 votes, Njoroge believes the failure of the agents’ structure may have been the decisive blow.
In an election this close, she argues, even small internal mistakes become fatal.
But her criticism does not end with election night.
Njoroge also took aim at Junet Mohamed’s conduct after the loss. She claims that while Azimio supporters poured into the streets during the 2023 maandamano protests, Junet was conspicuously absent.
According to her, he only resurfaced when negotiations with the government began — a move she interpreted as political convenience rather than leadership.
For many within the opposition, this has reopened painful wounds. Junet Mohamed, as ODM’s
Director of Elections, was expected to safeguard the integrity of the process.
Instead, Njoroge suggests his leadership — or lack of it — left Azimio exposed at its weakest moment.
Her explosive claims have reignited a debate that refuses to die: did Azimio lose to William Ruto, or did it lose to itself?
As Kenyans digest these revelations, one thing is clear — the 2022 election is far from settled in the court of public opinion.
With the 2027 race already taking shape, Njoroge’s words serve as both a warning and a reminder: in Kenyan politics, internal mistakes can be more dangerous than external opponents.
And for Azimio, the ghosts of 2022 may still be very much alive.
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